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[an error occurred while processing this directive]
The Child Support Improvement Project: Paternity
Establishment, Chapter 6
CHAPTER VI
THE FINANCIAL CORRELATES AND CONSEQUENCES
OF PATERNITY ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
A. Obtaining Medicaid, AFDC and Child Support Information for
Non-Marital Births
To determine whether and how financial factors come into
play in the decision to acknowledge paternity, we examined a
variety of state databases for evidence of unmarried parents'
involvement with the Aid to Families with Dependent Children
(AFDC), Medicaid and Child Support Enforcement (CSE) systems.
The AFDC system provides cash welfare payments for needy
children. Medicaid affords medical coverage to AFDC recipients
and others such as pregnant women and children up to age 6 with
family incomes up to 133 percent of the poverty level. It is also
available to intact and married families at higher income levels.
The CSE program seeks to collect child support from absent
parents. Federal law requires AFDC applicants and recipients to
assign their support rights to the state as long as the family
receives AFDC and to cooperate with the CSE program to obtain
child support payments. Parental involvement with these three
benefit programs provides a sensitive indicator of financial
dependence and/or the financial involvement of fathers.
Our research methodology involved searching for all
unmarried parents exposed to the in-hospital orientation about
paternity in a variety of state databases pertaining to AFDC,
Medicaid and child support. If a parent could be located, we
recorded the history of their involvement with these systems
prior to the birth of the baby born during this project. We also
monitored subsequent parental involvement with each benefit
program following the baby's birth. Our measures of subsequent
involvement were taken at two different timepoints. For 2,200
unmarried births during 1993-1994, we checked state databases
nine months following delivery. For 1,540 unmarried births during
1993, we checked state databases at fifteen months following the
birth of the baby.
A copy of the data collection form we used to elicit
information on AFDC, child support and Medicaid benefits appears
in Appendix D.
B. History of AFDC, Medicaid and Child Support Involvement for
Project Families
Two-thirds of unmarried parents exposed to the in-hospital
overture about paternity had never been involved with the AFDC or
Medicaid systems prior to the birth of their baby. The remaining
third had been involved with these systems, generally with a
previous child. A small group of families (7 percent) had
received AFDC at some point in the past but were not recipients
at the time of the child's birth. The remaining 27 percent were
recipients of AFDC at the birth of the child.
Since AFDC recipients are not referred for child support
services until after the birth of the baby, only 8 percent of
parents in the project could be found in the child support system
prior to their delivery. Fully 92 percent had no discernible,
prior involvement with the child support enforcement agency.
Nine months following the birth of the child, the financial
situation of project families looked dramatically different. At
that timepoint, more than three-quarters (77 percent) of all
babies born to unmarried mothers in the project were recipients
of Medicaid, nearly half (48 percent) were recipients of AFDC and
42 percent were involved with the child support system.
At fifteen months following the birth of the child, the
benefit picture for unmarried parents in the project had not
changed much. Now, 80 percent of families were involved with
Medicaid, 52 percent were recipients of AFDC and 48 percent were
involved with the child support system. Figure VI-1 presents the
proportions of unmarried families receiving benefits or services
at the birth of their baby and at 9 and 15 months following
delivery.
C. Benefit Status at the Time of Birth and Paternity
Acknowledgement
Does the current or past receipt of AFDC or Medicaid affect
the propensity of unmarried parents to voluntarily acknowledge
paternity? Figure VI-2 compares rates of voluntary
acknowledgement among parents who were and were not involved with
benefit systems at the time of the child's birth. The
relationship between benefit status and voluntary acknowledgement
was strong and consistent across the four hospitals. Voluntary
paternity acknowledgement was most attractive to parents who were
financially independent and least attractive to those involved
with the benefit system at the time of the child's birth.
With respect to AFDC, we found that those parents who were
AFDC recipients at the time of the baby's birth were the least
likely to voluntarily acknowledge with only 23 percent doing so.
Parents who had previously been on AFDC but were not recipients
at the time of the birth and parents with no prior AFDC history
had identical acknowledgement rates of 41 percent.
Acknowledgement rates tracked with Medicaid history in a
similar fashion. While 41 percent of those with no prior Medicaid
history agreed to voluntarily acknowledge paternity, this was
agreed to by 27 percent of those with previous Medicaid history.
We found the opposite acknowledgement pattern among those
with prior children with respect to involvement with the child
support enforcement agency. Among those with older children, 39
percent of parents involved with the state-run child support
system decided to voluntarily acknowledge as compared with 29
percent of those who had never been involved with the child
support enforcement agency. It is possible that parents already
in the child support system when the child is born are more
resigned to the financial consequences of paternity
acknowledgement than their counterparts who have not yet been
"caught" by the child support agency. These parents might forego
voluntary paternity acknowledgement in order to reduce their
chances of being detected by the child support agency.
D. Paternity Acknowledgement and Benefit Status Following
Birth
Is voluntary paternity acknowledgement associated with
differences in a family's benefit status following the baby's
birth? The answer to this question appears to be a resounding
"yes." At both nine and fifteen months following the birth of the
baby born during the project, those who disavowed paternity were
significantly more likely to be AFDC recipients. Conversely,
those who voluntarily acknowledged paternity were significantly
more likely to be financially independent and not be AFDC
recipients. Thus, at nine months following delivery, 67 percent
of those who voluntarily acknowledged were financially
independent as compared with 43 percent of those who disavowed
paternity. By fifteen months following delivery, these
proportions had risen to 75 and 59 percent, respectively (see
Figure VI-3).
Not surprisingly, we found similar patterns of association
between acknowledgement status and involvement with the child
support system. At both nine and fifteen months following birth,
those who had voluntarily acknowledged were significantly more
likely to be uninvolved with the child support system. Since all
AFDC recipients are automatically enrolled in the child support
program, lack of involvement with the agency is a strong
indicator of financial independence (see Figure VI-4).
The relationship between acknowledgement status and the
receipt of Medicaid was less clear and tended to vanish over
time. Although it was true that at nine months following birth,
parents who voluntarily acknowledged were somewhat more likely to
be independent of Medicaid (28 percent) as compared with their
non-acknowledging counterparts (20 percent), both groups of
parents were overwhelmingly apt to be Medicaid recipients (72
versus 80 percent, respectively). By fifteen months, however, the
proportion of Medicaid recipients dropped to 54 percent of
voluntary acknowledgers versus 55 percent of paternity
disavowers. This suggests that many parents use Medicaid on a
transitional basis during and following the birth of their baby
and that unlike AFDC status, the receipt of Medicaid benefits is
not an indicator of lasting financial dependence (see Figure
VI-5).
E. Paternity Acknowledgement and Child Support
One important objective of the national program to boost the
rate of voluntary paternity acknowledgements is to improve the
payment of child support by unmarried, absent fathers. The Family
Support Act of 1988 includes a provision that sets financial
penalties for states that fail to meet specific, quantifiable
goals for establishing paternity. Pursuant to this federal
mandate, most states have enacted laws requiring hospitals to
make the voluntary paternity acknowledgement option available to
unmarried parents in at-birth settings.
The Colorado demonstration project affords some opportunity
to examine whether voluntary paternity acknowledgement does
indeed translate into child support payment, at least within the
fifteen month framework of our study. We tackled this issue by
first asking whether the child support agency knew whether
unmarried parents had voluntarily acknowledged paternity in
hospital settings. In Colorado, in-hospital paternity
acknowledgements were reported to the Bureau of Vital Statistics
(BVS) for incorporation on birth certificates. No paternity
acknowledgement information was routinely conveyed to the child
support agency. Although Colorado plans to develop an automated
interface between the computerized systems maintained by the
child support agency and BVS, no such interface existed during
this project. Thus, in order for child support workers to learn
about the voluntary paternity status of unmarried parents who
come into the child support system, they had to elicit the
information in interviews with the mother. Alternatively, a
support worker could order a hard copy of the birth certificate
for the child in question and visually determine whether the
father's name was listed.
Our analysis reveals that communication between child
support and vital records agencies is critical to achieving the
child support objectives of hospital based paternity programs.
For example, in the absence of an automated interface between the
two agencies, child support workers frequently fail to learn that
paternity has been voluntarily acknowledged. Nine months
following the birth of the baby, two-thirds of cases in the child
support system where the parents voluntarily acknowledged
paternity were improperly classified as lacking paternity. By
fifteen months, the proportion of misclassified cases was 56
percent.
According to child support workers in Denver, the
misclassification may be due to mothers' failure to appear for an
interview, the interviewer's failure to question mothers
explicitly about in-hospital paternity acknowledgements, the
interviewer's failure to routinely order hard copies of birth
certificates, delays by BVS in recording voluntary
acknowledgements on birth certificates, and/or mothers' lack of
candor about the paternity situation. While Denver Department of
Social Services (DDSS) has recently amended its intake procedures
to better capture the voluntary acknowledgement process, these
misclassifications are cause for concern. They may interject
some unnecessary delays in the child support establishment
process and potentially undermine many of the benefits of
in-hospital acknowledgement. They also depress the state's
Paternity Establishment Percentage (PEP) and place it in jeopardy
of financial sanction for failure to obtain paternity
acknowledgements. Finally they underscore the need for an
automated interface between child support and vital records
agencies.
The next child support question we examined had to do with
the incidence of order establishment among those who voluntarily
acknowledged versus those who disavowed paternity. Although the
vast majority of both groups of parents who were in the child
support system fifteen months following the birth of their baby
did not have a child support order, paternity acknowledgers were
somewhat more likely to have an order. Thus, fifteen months
following delivery, 26 percent of parents who voluntarily
acknowledged paternity and were in the state-run child support
system had a child support order as compared with only 20 percent
of those who did not voluntarily acknowledge. On average,
acknowledgers and disavowers had been in the child support system
for comparable lengths of time (327 days versus 388 days,
respectively). Thus, both groups of parents appeared to become
involved with the child support system fairly soon after the
birth of their babies and had ample time to establish a child
support order.
The final child support question we asked and answered dealt
with the relationship between voluntary paternity acknowledgement
and payment of child support. We restricted our analysis to
parents with open child support cases. At fifteen months
following delivery, 5 percent of those who voluntarily
acknowledged paternity were paying child support. Among parents
who disavowed paternity, the proportion paying child support
fifteen months following delivery stood at 6 percent. These
patterns are presented in Figure VI-6. Clearly for cases in the
state-run child support system, there were no discernible
financial benefits to custodial parents and/or the state to
voluntary paternity acknowledgement, at least within the first
fifteen months of the baby's life.
F. Summary
Substantial proportions of unmarried parents are involved
with the AFDC, Medicaid and child support systems in the months
following the birth of their babies. By 15 months post-delivery,
half are AFDC recipients and have cases opened for services by
the child support enforcement agency; 80 percent are recipients
of Medicaid.
An examination of voluntary acknowledgement rates for
parents with various benefit histories reveals that it is
significantly more appealing to those who are financially
independent and have never been on AFDC or a recipient of
Medicaid. Moreover, families that acknowledge paternity
voluntarily are significantly more likely to remain financially
independent nine and fifteen months following the birth of their
children. Conversely, those who reject the paternity option are
significantly more likely to be recipients of AFDC and to have
open cases with the child support enforcement agency. With its
higher income eligibility requirements, paternity acknowledgers
and disavowers are identical with respect to the receipt of
Medicaid.
For cases in the state-run child support system, the
voluntary acknowledgement of paternity does not translate into
demonstrable financial benefits to the state or the custodial
parent at least during the first fifteen months of the baby's
life. Although a slightly higher proportion of cases with
voluntary acknowledgements have child support orders at fifteen
months post-delivery, payments are rare and occur in only 5 and 6
percent of open child support cases with and without voluntary
acknowledgements, respectively.
One possible reason for these slim financial returns is that
in the absence of an automated linkage between child support and
vital statistics agencies, child support workers frequently fail
to learn about in-hospital paternity acknowledgements. As a
result, many of these cases are wrongly classified as needing
paternity to be established.
That payment levels are identical and low for absent parents
with orders who acknowledged and disavowed paternity, suggests
that paternity is necessary but not sufficient to obtain payment.
Although paternity establishment is a prerequisite to obtaining
a child support order with both groups of absent parents, payment
is a function of locating and attaching an asset or wage rather
than hospital room commitments. Obligors with limited financial
resources and/or cases that are worked less aggressively are
unlikely to yield big child support returns.
Naturally, since we only had information on cases in the
AFDC, Medicaid or child support systems, we cannot speak to the
financial impact of voluntary paternity acknowledgement on
families outside of these systems. This might include
differential rates in dependent health care coverage, veteran's
and/or social security benefits, and private child support
orders. Finally, our assessment does not consider potential
savings versus establishing paternity adversarially due to
avoided litigation costs.
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