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CULTURALLY APPROPRIATE CURRICULA AND PRACTICES

Issues and Observations

Head Start endorses the use of culturally appropriate curricula and practices to help provide contextual links for children’s schoolwork. Many observers and educators have noted the importance of providing culturally appropriate curricula for American Indian and Alaska Native children:

  • Including Native language and culture in the curriculum is a way to provide social, historical, and emotional links that aid in children’s achievement in school. Developing culturally appropriate curricula should involve a team approach, including students in teacher training programs, local teachers and educational administrators, elders, community members, and university-based staff (Allen, 1997; Ball and Pence, 1999; Jordan, 1995; Rinehart et al., 2002; Watahomigie and McCarty, 1994).

  • Schools have an important role in restoring Native languages (Holm and Holm, 1995; Peacock and Day, 1999), although some members of some tribal communities have expressed opposition to teaching components of the culture (especially religious and ceremonial functions) in the schools (Batchelder and Markel, 1997).

  • Many authors note that AI-AN children bring their cultural backgrounds into school, and they also note that the way much American education is typically provided may not be fully compatible with the learning styles of AI-AN children. “Native students learn in styles unique to their cultural upbringing . . . [and their] learning styles . . . are directly impacted by language, culture, spirituality, communication styles, and more” (Tunley-Daymude and Begay-Campbell, 2000). Some curriculum developers have postulated that underachievement, absenteeism, high dropout rates, and lack of parental involvement are linked to inconsistencies between cultural values of AI-AN children and traditional school curricula (Joe, 1994; Stokes, 1997).

  • Teaching styles and classroom instructional practices need to reflect the learning styles of AI-AN children, who are likely to demonstrate more engagement in classroom instruction and activities when the teaching style and instructional practices fit their cultural backgrounds (Deyhle and Swisher, 1997; Estrin and Nelson-Barber, 1995; Swisher and Deyhle, 1987; Tharp, 1994; Tharp and Yamauchi, 1994). A preference for an “observational” or visual learning approach has been described among several AI-AN populations, including the Eskimo, Kwakuitl, Navajo, Oglala Sioux, Pueblo, Yaqui, and Yup’ik (Deyhle and Swisher, 1997; Harris, 1985; Nelson and Lalemi, 1991; Preston, 1991; Suina and Smolkin, 1994; Swisher and Deyhle, 1987; Tempest, 1998; Wax et al., 1989). Cooperative learning and experienced-based learning activities have been seen as appropriate for AI-AN children, as have the incorporation of other traditions, such as storytelling and culturally relevant materials (Preston, 1991).

  • Caution should be used in generalizing findings about characteristics to groups of children because that could result in stereotypes, discrimination, or erroneous explanations about school failure (Swisher, 1991).

Research Findings: Culturally Appropriate Curricula and Practices

Author

Sample, Measures, and Methods

Major Findings Reported by Author
Clay, 1998 An ethnographic study was conducted of six Head Start children from the Ute Mountain Ute Reservation who later enrolled in the Cortez schools. The study used the California Social Competence Scale to measure interaction with peers and teachers and the children’s verbal and physical communication patterns. The research also included six months of formal classroom observations; semi-structured interviews about children’s friendships, behaviors, and transition activities, conducted with teachers and parents at two points in time (when students were in kindergarten and in 1st grade); time-samplings; and document review. Ute children show different patterns of social interactions between Head Start and kindergarten. In Head Start, children interacted with peers and used verbal and physical communication. In kindergarten, they interacted much more with teachers. As measured on the California Social Competence Scale, the children had less social competence in kindergarten than in Head Start. Of the six children, by the end of kindergarten, four had been referred to special education services. The author concludes that upon entering kindergarten, children experience different ways of thinking, speaking, listening, and interacting. More research is needed on understanding ways AI children can sustain their culture and achieve their academic potential.
Culp and McCarthick, 1997 24 adolescent mothers (13 are Chickasaw, 3 have close tribal affiliations) from the rural southwestern United States were studied using the HOME (Home Observation for Measurement of the Environment) and the Orthogonal Model of Cultural Assessment. On two scales of the HOME—the Emotional and Verbal Responsivity Score and the Provision of Play Materials Score—the scores of AI mothers showed significant correlations with cultural identity. Among adolescent mothers who closely identified with their Native culture, homes had low levels of initiating verbal interactions, responsivity, and spontaneous conversation with children; they also had low levels of manufactured (purchased) learning materials.
Greenbaum, 1985 Teachers and students were videotaped during 11 class sessions of four 5th and 6th grade classes—two Mississippi Choctaw reservation classes and two public school classes with mostly white middle-class students. Videotaped student-teacher interactions were coded for duration and character of utterances (individual vs. choral) and nonverbal behaviors (interrupting others and listener gaze). Compared to other classes, students in Choctaw classes spoke as individuals less often (but replied more in choral responses), used shorter phrases, more frequently interrupted the teacher, and looked more at their peers. Teachers in Choctaw classes used shorter phrases, posed more questions, and had longer pauses. The author found the differences consistent with the theory of sociolinguistic interference, meaning that cultural factors may cause differences observed between the groups of students. The author says that additional research should investigate whether students and teachers find the differences problematic (e.g., do teachers perceive students as passive and inattentive, do students see teachers as too commanding?).
Luellen, 1991 Ethnographic observations regarding use of time and space in preschool, parent surveys, ITBS scores of AI-AN K-2 students, and interviews with K-2 teachers about children’s achievement were used to study one preschool program serving 45 3- to 5- year old AI-AN children, representing more than 50 tribes. AI-AN kindergarten children were quiet, withdrawn, and had academic difficulties, but 1st and 2nd grade students were more verbal and more involved in class activities. Although all types of children may experience difficulties in transitioning from home/preschool to school, the problem seems to be more challenging for those who need to make a cultural transition as well. The author suggests that AI-AN parents need to be involved in their children’s education to help develop the children’s cultural identity and to represent the developmental needs of their children.
Philips, 1983 An ethnographic study and participant observation were conducted of one 1st grade class and one 6th grade class on the Warm Springs reservation, and one 1st grade class and one 6th grade class in the nearby town (off the reservation) of Madras. Most observations of children-teacher and child-to-child interactions were made from Fall 1969 to Spring 1971, during which time the author lived on the reservation. The study found a strong group orientation among the Warm Springs children. Compared to non-Indian students, the Warm Springs students showed listening behavior that was attributed to their cultural backgrounds. The Warm Springs children responded less often to teacher-posed questions, communicated more with each other, and provided fewer “back channels” of communication to signal that they were listening. They were more verbal and more engaged when they initiated discussion with teachers or worked in small group projects with their peers. To improve outcomes for children, the author recommends that schools should have more Native teachers and teaching methods could be changed to better fit the learning styles exhibited. Similar studies in other locations should test the findings and recommendations from this site.
Suina and Smolkin, 1994 Interviews were conducted with three male and three female Caucasian teachers of 3rd grade Pueblo students, and their classroom practices were observed over a 2-month period. Teachers described their efforts to make literacy instruction culturally appropriate. Observations of teacher-initiated events collected information on continuities and discontinuities between culture and school. Teachers reported creating culturally appropriate approaches by weaving into their curriculum experiences from their students’ surrounding environment and culture, including cultures other than the one they are teaching in, showing respect for the Native culture, providing opportunities to work collaboratively, and incorporating Native language. Teachers need to be ethnosensitive, meaning that they must understand the culture of the community and apply that knowledge in their pedagogical styles. Culturally appropriate curricula should incorporate culturally appropriate practices of the tribe (but not discard those of the dominant culture).
Swisher, 1994 During workshops held in 1990, 154 teachers and administrators of schools with AI students completed the American Indian Learning Style survey, constructed by the author. The survey consisted of 11 items on a five-point scale, self-identified ranking of knowledge about learning styles, strategies for applying knowledge about learning styles, and open-ended questions. About one-third of the respondents identified themselves as American Indian, and most were teachers in public and BIA-funded schools. Both American Indian and non-Indian teachers and administrators share views about the influence of culture on learning styles, believe that values affect the ways AI students demonstrate knowledge, and agree that the cooperation and importance of the family affect students’ learning. Respondents differed in their opinions about the specific values that affect AI students’ approaches to learning or demonstration of learning: AI teachers identified discipline, group harmony, holistic approach to health, and spirituality; non-Indian teachers identified an indifference to the work ethic and indifference to ownership. The author states that teacher education and in-service programs should balance theory and the teaching practice of learning styles and culture. Future research should take into account diversity within groups (e.g., tribal affiliation, extent of traditionalism and acculturation).
Vekiari, 1999 Data collected in Fall 1993 and Spring 1994 yielded a sample of 151 Navajo children (78 females and 73 males) 4-7 years old, all of whom had completed Head Start. Two scales were used from the Measurement and Planning System (MAPS) Developmental Observational Assessment—the Social Development Scale and the Math and Literacy Scale. This study asked about the relationship between social competence and cognitive development: does one affect the other, and are there any reciprocal effects? By using a nonrecursive linear structural equation model, the author concluded that cognitive development affects social development. The author concludes that the finding about the relationship between cognitive and social development emphasizes the importance of the former to help achieve social competence.
Wax, Wax, and Dumont, 1989 An ethnographic and participant/observation study of elementary schools on Pine Ridge Indian Reservation (Oglala Sioux) was conducted, plus classroom observations, interviews with teachers and parents, and surveys of youth. The study focused on the nature of education and community life. The authors conclude that isolation is a critical factor for the educational system and achievements of Pine Ridge youth. The school curriculum is not well matched to employment possibilities. There is cultural discontinuity between home and school: children find their home environments comfortable and supportive, whereas some educators feel that the children should be eager to distance themselves from their home environments, which these educators perceive as inferior. Discontinuities between school, families, and students leave opportunities for peers to have strong influences over each other. Living in the society and having Native members (including those who speak the Native language) on the research team were essential for this study.


 

 

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