5.0 The Family Narratives
5.1 Overview
This chapter demonstrates the unique aspects of the qualitative
approach, including its benefits and limitations. Family narratives, documenting
the lives of six Head Start families over the course of a year, are presented
to illustrate the value of understanding the context of Head Start families’
lives. This approach reinforces a basic tenet within the social constructivist
paradigm that reality is best understood by studying the ways that people
perceive, experience, and make sense of their lives. This principle is
the core of the family narratives paradigm and demonstrates the strength
and value of qualitative research. The narratives reveal that data gathered
through parent and teacher interviews, child assessments, and monthly
telephone contacts, while extremely valuable, are often embedded inseparably
in the specific contexts from which they were gathered. The family narratives
provide a vehicle to enhance and interpret the findings from the larger
study by focusing on rich details and stories within the multiple contexts
of the Head Start families’ lives.
The strength of the data and the findings in this chapter
focus not on quantity, but quality and depth. This chapter provides examples
of using family narratives to further the goals of the case study (and
the larger FACES study) by presenting a more complete profile of Head
Start families. It also demonstrates the value of the qualitative approach
as a research endeavor: how it contributes uniquely to our understanding
of Head Start families by using multiple sources of evidence and multiple
methods of inquiry, and how it helps to develop a complete picture, including
how families operate and what families do in relation to the extrinsic
and contextual events of which they are a part.
The six family narratives presented in Section 5.6 include
information from the FACES parent interviews, teacher ratings, child assessments,
the semi-structured parent interviews completed during the case study
home visit, and the monthly telephone interviews. Each narrative is divided
into four sections that align with the major themes of the FACES case
study: 1) the Head Start children, 2) the Head Start families, 3) family
interactions with their local Head Start programs, and 4) family homes
and neighborhoods. The methodology of this approach emphasizes developing
each family narrative or case as the unit of analysis. Patterns of explanations
(emergent themes) within each case serve as building blocks for the comparison
of themes across cases. Themes drawn from the multiple cases can then
reveal the emergent themes of the overall study.
The following sections will provide examples of identifying
emergent themes within and across family narratives, even within as few
as six cases. Examples demonstrate how emergent themes can confirm or
illuminate findings from the main FACES study, as well as draw attention
to new areas for inquiry. Emergent themes encompass three of the four
domains: 1) the Head Start child, 2) the Head Start family, and 3) the
Head Start families’ interactions with the Head Start program.
5.2 The Head Start Child
Parents were asked, among other things, to describe their
Head Start children and their own hopes and goals for them, as well as
their reasons for enrolling their children in the Head Start program.
Five themes emerged within and across the six family narratives regarding
the Head Start child.
Children Have Positive Attitudes Toward Learning
and Head Start
One emergent theme across the narratives was parents’
reports that their children had positive attitudes toward learning and
Head Start. For instance, in Family Narrative D, the mother said about
her son, “He loves Head Start. He thinks his teacher is wonderful.”
This mother reported that her son enjoyed learning and trying new things.
His teacher also reported that the child did not lack confidence in learning
new things or trying new activities and that he worked well in groups.
He joined group activities without being told to do so, invited others
to join in activities, followed rules when playing games with others,
and helped put materials away after the activity was over.
Another example of a child’s positive attitude toward
Head Start is demonstrated in Family Narrative B. Beyond stating that
her daughter “loves it [school],” this mother shared
how her daughter had incorporated many of the lessons learned at school
into her daily routine at home. “She reminds me she has to wash
her hands, brush her teeth. She knows the colors, numbers…. tries
more and more to explain what has happened during the day.”
This theme also emerged in Family Narrative C -- “She’s
happy. She loves it!-- likes the kids and toys and plenty to keep her
busy.” Given the importance of how preschool children approach
learning and how their attitudes toward school may predict their future
educational success, having a positive attitude toward learning and school
is significant.
Parents Have Optimistic Expectations for Their Children
and Value Education
Across the narratives, parents’ hopes and goals for
their children were fairly optimistic regarding their children’s
early school experiences, as well as future educational attainment. The
narrative for Family F was fairly typical. This family expected that Head
Start would help their child be more prepared for kindergarten and master
developmentally appropriate tasks. The mother said, “I hope
he’s prepared for kindergarten. I don’t want him to get behind
or to struggle in any way. I want him to be comfortable before he enters
kindergarten. My goal is to make it as easy as possible for him.”
Regarding educational goals for him, in the short-term she wanted him
to master educational tasks appropriate for his age -- “to learn
the basic fundamentals and learn to write his name.” A long-term
expectation for her son was that he would attend college. She wanted him
“to get an education and be the boss of all the people under
him. To be happy in his life.”
While resonating the same theme, the narrative for Family
B reveals an underlying optimism to parents’ future expectations
for their children in the context of the family as a whole. Regarding
her daughter’s future, this mother wanted her to become an “engineer”
and hoped that she “gets a good job.” But she clarified
that “the most important thing is her learning and increasing
her abilities.” She wanted to instill in her daughter “the
desire to be somebody…who does not have to struggle like we do.”
Family Narrative A presents another mother who expressed
a desire that her son learn the value of education early in life, stating
“I hope that he graduates, that he really learns while he’s
younger and it’s [school] not just to go and play around
with.” This mother’s long-term expectations for her child
were also optimistic as she explained that she hoped that he would “become
something he really wants to become like a doctor or a lawyer and be really
good at it.”
Head Start Children are Making Good Progress.
In most of the family narratives, parents also reported
that their children had made good progress on school readiness in language
and math between the fall of 1997 and spring of 1998. Family A represents
the typical narrative in terms of the children’s progress. In the
fall of 1997, the parent reported that the child could recognize most
of the letters in the alphabet, identify the colors red, yellow, blue,
and green, and count up to twenty. He could also hold his pencil properly
and liked to write or pretend to write, including his first name; however,
some letters were sometimes backwards. Later, during the spring parent
interview in 1998, the parent not only observed that the child could now
count up to fifty, but also could recognize thirty written numbers and
count up to ten blocks. As early as the fall of 1997, the child would
sit and look at a book with pictures, pretending to read to himself, but
he did more than just describe each picture—he connected them in
an integrated story. His mother reported that he enjoyed being read to
for approximately twenty minutes at one time in the fall of 1997 and his
attention span for reading increased to thirty minutes by the spring of
1998. Overall, this mother felt that her son had progressed and that Head
Start had helped prepare him for kindergarten. “…they
teach them how to behave, how to eat, and how to play and to learn.”
Family Narrative B provides additional examples of the progress children
made in Head Start. This mother talked about her daughter’s gains.
“She knows the colors, numbers.” In particular, she
noted her daughter’s improved language skills: “[She]
has learned a lot of English and speaks less Spanish.”
Head Start Children May Experience Behavioral and
Mental Health Problems
Another theme that emerged in the narratives was the frequency
and degree of child behavior problems (and, in some cases, more serious
mental health problems) reported by parents. This theme is present, in
particular, in two of the family narratives. In Family Narrative F, the
parent reported an evolving profile of increasing behavior problems and
more serious mental health problems over the course of the school year.
In the fall of 1997, the mother reported that her son was not disobedient
at home, but that he sometimes acted too young for his age, had temper
tantrums, and hit and fought with others. She had to discipline him two
times, using time out, in the week prior to the fall visit. While she
felt her son was sometimes unhappy, sad, or depressed and that he worried
about things for a long time, she did not believe that he felt worthless
or inferior. She described him as “an emotional child. He can
be laughing at one thing and turn around and get upset. His emotions surprise
me for someone so young.” She felt his behavior was affected
by the recent divorce of his parents. “He was having a hard
time with that … the other thing is his temper. He explodes. If
he doesn’t get what he wants, he pouts. He has little patience for
wanting things done his way and if it doesn’t happen his way, he
gets angry. He has little patience with other people.” By the
spring of 1998, the child’s emotional problems appeared to have
escalated. He continued to exhibit immature and aggressive behavior and
was now often disobedient at home. While in the fall, the mother had indicated
that her son was sometimes unhappy, sad or depressed, she now felt that
his unhappiness was occurring often and believed that he now often felt
worthless or inferior.
Family Narrative E presents a child’s profile with
the parent’s perspective of an emerging set of behavioral and mental
health-related problems. In the fall of 1997, this mother reported that
her son was not disobedient at home but had temper tantrums very often
and sometimes hit and fought with others. She had to discipline him (using
time out) four times in the week prior to the fall visit. Despite his
temper tantrums and somewhat aggressive behavior, his mother did not believe
that he was an unhappy child and reported that he never seemed to worry
about things for a long time. By the spring of 1998, he still had temper
tantrums and continued to sometimes hit or fight with others. But his
behavior problems seemed to have escalated over the school year. His mother
now reported that he was somewhat disobedient at home as well as somewhat
unhappy. She still did not believe that he worried about things for very
long or that he acted immaturely, but he was having difficulty concentrating
and fidgeted a lot. His mother had to send him to time out seven times
during the week prior to the spring visit. Interestingly, the child’s
older brother was also exhibiting social-emotional problems and was to
begin seeing a psychiatrist to address emotional and behavioral problems
at school. The mother said, “I don’t see it [the
problem], the teacher sees it. He has trouble in class in terms of
temper tantrums when he doesn’t get his way and he cries a lot in
school. Personally, I think it is because every other day he thinks it
is not so bad to be at home.” This difference of opinion illustrates
the theme that is presented in the following section.
Contradictions Between Parent and Teacher Reports
The last two cases can also be used to highlight another
theme that emerges from the family narratives regarding the Head Start
children - the degree to which parent and teacher reports contradict one
another. For instance, in Family Narrative E , both the parent and the
teacher agreed about the child’s behavior and mental health related
issues; however, they disagreed on the child’s overall approach
and attitude toward learning. His mother said that her son enjoyed learning,
trying new things, was imaginative, and made friends easily. However,
his Head Start teacher offered a different perspective, reporting that
he lacked confidence in learning new things or trying new activities,
and did not work well in a group. She said he never joined group activities
without being told to do so, never invited others to join in activities
and often disrupted ongoing activities. He never followed rules when playing
games with others, and only sometimes helped put materials away after
the activity was over.
It is clear in Family Narrative F that the parent and teacher
reports of the child’s behavior and mental health related issues
are at odds. The parent reported the presence of several behaviors that
the teacher did not see as problematic. For example, the mother reported
that while her son was not disobedient at home, he sometimes acted too
young for his age, had temper tantrums, and hit and fought with others.
She felt her son was sometimes unhappy, sad, or depressed, and that he
worried about things for a long time, but she did not believe that he
felt worthless or inferior. Interestingly, his teacher did not concur
with this evaluation of the child’s behavior. She did not feel that
he acted immaturely and she indicated that he did not have temper tantrums
or hit or fight with others. While she agreed that he did sometimes worry
about things for too long, she saw no evidence that he was unhappy, sad
or depressed, and reported that he was never restless, fidgety, or nervous
in class. Although the parent and teacher did not agree about the child’s
behavior, they did agree that the child’s approach and attitude
toward learning was positive. Contradictions in parent and teacher reports
are well documented in the extant literature. Given the inherent complexity
of the phenomenon under study, contradictions are not unexpected. Exploration
of these contradictions, within the specific contexts of the family and
the classroom, using a qualitative approach, may contribute to further
understanding of why the contradictions occur.
5.3 Head Start Family
Head Start families were asked, among other things, to describe
their families’ household composition and economic and employment
status. They also talked about the strengths of their families, as well
as their challenges.
5.3.1 Head Start Families are Diverse in Type and
Experience Multiple Changes
One of the emergent themes among the Head Start family narratives
involved the context of the families. The narratives represent a diverse
range of family types, including dual-parent families, families with a
parent who had been widowed, divorced, or separated, and blended families.
While most of the families described in the narratives were relatively
stable, they faced multiple changes and events across several areas of
their lives, including changes in employment status, health, child care,
household, and relationships with significant others. The family represented
in Narrative A experienced multiple changes and events, particularly around
health. Across the span of five months, various members of the family
suffered from colds, ear infections, and the flu. One of the children
contracted hepatitis, the mother-in-law was diagnosed with diabetes, and
the father-in-law was treated for cancer. Narrative B provides examples
of a family’s struggles around child care. The Head Start child
in this family had been cared for in six different arrangements prior
to her enrollment in the program. One of the primary reasons for enrolling
the child stemmed from her family’s great need for child care: “Sometimes
the necessities of work make it very difficult to leave one’s children
for eight-to-nine hours at a babysitter.” The mother expressed
concern about her child’s welfare: “I have seen babysitters
even treat children badly.” There is a real sense when reading
the narratives that dealing with these changes often preoccupied the time
and energy of the parents. Within this family context or background, several
themes emerged across the narratives that are discussed in the following
sections.
5.3.2 Search for a Father Figure
A distinct theme found in several of the family narratives
was a search for a father figure in the lives of the children. In Family
D, a young, widowed, single mother expressed strong hopes for her fiancé
to become her children’s father: “My boys are the most
important thing to me and my fiancé loves them! I’d like
my fiancé to be here full time. He loves the kids and wants to
adopt both boys.” Similarly, Family F consists of a divorced,
single mother who relocated her family to be closer to their biological
father and at the same time continued searching for a new father figure
for her children. While this mother reported that a relative served as
a father figure for her children in the fall, by the spring the father
figure was no longer available to the family. After having moved from
one state to another in July of 1997, they moved again eleven months later
to be closer to family and the children’s father. The single mother
depicted in Narrative A also seemed to be searching to find a father figure
for her children. Throughout the 18-month span of the narrative, she had
significant involvement with two male partners as well as the biological
father of the children. This mother was often eager to report that her
male partners were involved with the children, including reading to the
Head Start child, taking him along on errands, teaching him letters, words,
and numbers, and playing with him indoors. While she did express some
resentment toward her son’s biological father, she still seemed
to be happy that he was now spending time with the children. The children’s
biological father and his girlfriend “offered to take them [her
son and daughter] for a day, and they came back with all kinds of stories
about what a good time they had and all kinds of presents from their dad
and other relatives on his side of the family. They now want to trot him
[her son] out like trophies on holidays. [My son] is glad to find out
who his dad is. Maybe he’ll take the kids again sometime –
he tries to help out a little.”
5.3.3 Families Maintain a Balance between School,
Work, and Child Care
Across many of the family narratives there is a persistent
effort to develop or maintain a practical and feasible balance between
the often-competing demands of school or work and taking care of their
children. For instance, Family E is a blended two-parent family with five
children living at home. Both parents’ jobs involved “shift
work” that included periods of heavy overtime as well as strikes
and layoffs. The family had experienced a number of changes in child care
over the year and also was dealing with fairly long-term health and mental
health issues with one of their younger children. This included hospitalization
for Hepatitis A and visits to a psychiatrist for emotional and behavioral
problems exhibited at school. The demands of balancing all of the needs
of a rather large family were subtle but evident in many of the mother’s
comments throughout the narrative: “I hope I don’t get
really stressed out with five kids. I’m doing really good but I
have a feeling I’ll get burnt out. Luckily they are pretty good…
I need organizational skills. I think having a lot of kids you need to
get organized - so you can keep the kids’ appointments and things
straight…I’d like to improve the fact that we work too much
(and need to) spend more time together. I think we’ll be
able to do that when they are in school (and) maybe their dad will get
another shift. I’d like to be a normal family.” Interestingly,
there is a sense that her idea of “a normal family” is one
that is able to balance the demands of time between work and family.
5.3.4 The Families’ Challenges and Resilience
Perhaps the most striking theme from the narratives was
that each family seemed to face their own set of unique challenges and
demonstrated resilience in the face of these challenges. For instance,
the narrative of Family B describes a two-parent, two-child Head Start
family that had recently immigrated to the United States from El Salvador.
In many ways this narrative illustrates some of the challenges many Head
Start families face. During the span of the narrative, the family faced
deportation of the father back to El Salvador with the accompanying separation
and feelings of helplessness and depression that the mother experienced.
The family lived in a drug and gang-infested housing project and the mother
did not feel comfortable allowing her children to play with other children
in the neighborhood. “This is not a place where a child can
run and play – it is dirty, it’s dangerous, and I think it’s
a bad place. The other day, they found a murder victim – five days
old – in an apartment near where the children play. There’s
gang violence on one side of the complex and alcoholic and drug-abusing
adults on the other. It’s terrible; this is like a rat hole.”
The family was also facing challenges related to acculturation and trying
to fit in, while at the same time feeling hampered by their poor English
skills and their immigration status. The mother and her family were often
afraid to complain to their landlord or local housing authority: “The
corrupt owners don’t listen to me. They think because many of us
are not legal, it’s okay to treat us like rats.” In addition,
the mother seemed concerned about her daughter’s behavior and negative
peer interactions that she may be having with other children in the neighborhood
and at Head Start: “My daughter had a little friend in the neighborhood
that hit her. I notice that she hits back. I don’t like that.”
However, even in the face of these challenges, this family’s
resilience and value system is also a predominant theme of the narrative.
Perhaps the strongest example of this resilience is the mother's belief
system: her family is “poor but honorable” and
says that “our surroundings make it hard to show her how to
be good, but we try. I love my children and want to see them grow …we
are poor, but we try to keep her on the right path.” She
also finds it unacceptable to “ask for handouts”
from government agencies. Instead, she relies on the help of her family,
church, Head Start, and child care staff to help her raise her daughter
in her husband's absence. While voicing concerns over her low wages,
the mother focused on working to better her family, saying “there
is only one thing and that is work and work for them.” The
family would like to see Head Start have longer hours to accommodate
the mother's working schedule, but was pleased with Head Start's sensitivity
for her family's transportation needs and felt that Head Start supported
her family’s focus on the value of education for her daughter.
In particular, the mother appreciated that Head Start gave her daughter
a ride to school on cold days, stating, “I don't want them
to miss not one day.”
Family A represents, perhaps more than any of the other
families, a family facing incredible adversity and challenges. The mother
was a young, 25-year-old, single-parent with two young children. She was
unemployed and faced a number of serious health and mental health issues
that prevented her from working or even looking for a job. Her personal
relationships often involved partners who were dealing with alcohol and/or
substance abuse problems and stormy periods in the relationships resulted
in multiple changes in the household, including both location and composition.
“He has stopped drinking and only has a few in the evening instead
of a whole case. He made me so mad one time I banged the telephone on
the floor until it broke. I have to stop behaving that way –that
was a bad thing to do.” The family was often living in difficult
home and neighborhood environments where “no one would stay
by choice.” Ultimately, this mother faced challenges protecting
her children from the family’s circumstances that included the children
having been witnesses to, as well as victims of, violent crime in their
neighborhood and domestic violence. During the monthly telephone conversations,
she relayed incidents of domestic violence. She talked about the couple
who had recently moved into her home: “His wife was due any
minute – the woman, he treats like a dog. He says things like ‘you
shut up, or I’ll slap you down. And, if you try to put me in jail,
you’ll lose your kid.’” This mother also admitted
when she decided to leave her partner that “he beat me. He is
no longer working.” However, in the midst of this almost constant
flux of challenges, there is also a strong strand of resilience in this
family’s story. The mother proudly affirmed the idea that although
she had faced many challenges, including alcohol abuse, depression, and
a suicide attempt, that “I always take care of my babies.”
The mother finds a strong identity in the fact that she had raised her
children and taken care of them herself and always did her best to keep
them safe while in her care. Even when her problems became so severe that
there was some discussion of commitment to the local hospital, this mother
did not want to be hospitalized because she “wants to be able
to see the children and take care of them.”
In addition, despite the challenges the family perpetually
faced, the mother expressed high expectations and personal hopes and goals
“to try and get a degree in computers. I love computers, and
I want to go to college and do that.” She never stopped trying
to help herself and her children. She and her mother were undergoing counseling
to focus on improved communication because she no longer wanted to “yell
at her [mother] like a crazy woman,” and she was motivated
to join parenting and relationship classes. She even encouraged her 7-year-old
daughter to participate in counseling for dealing with attention deficit
disorder and difficulties with anger management.
5.4 The Family’s Interactions with the Head Start
Program
Head Start families were asked to talk about their interactions
with Head Start, including their involvement with the program and the
barriers that kept them from participating as much as they would have
liked. They also discussed their satisfaction with the program and their
perceptions of their children’s experiences.
Families Valued Their Participation in the Head
Start Program
The final emergent theme to be presented in this chapter
is the families’ desire to be involved in their children’s
Head Start education. Without exception, all of the families depicted
in the six narratives said they valued their participation at Head Start
and felt that it was very important for them to be involved. Despite various
barriers such as conflicting work or school schedules, lack of child care
for other children in their families, or personal hardships, efforts were
made to fulfill the requirement of parent involvement.
The mother from Narrative C highly valued her involvement
with Head Start, yet she often felt that child care and transportation
posed a barrier to her participation. “I have tried to be there,
because I have two kids at the school, but don’t go because of the
baby. Don’t like to take her out in rain or cold.” Despite
this, she reported having participated in seven Head Start activities
ranging from volunteering with class events to attending meetings for
the Policy Council. Specifically, she recalled a memorable event in which
she assisted her daughter’s class: “We made sashes and
caps for graduation – she is going to kindergarten next year.”
This was also the case for the family depicted in Narrative
D. Although the mother was unable to attend four of the six Head Start
events to which she was invited “because I work every day,”
she still felt that participation in Head Start was important: “I
always make a point of walking my son into class every morning and talking
to the teacher.” The entire family was able to attend her son’s
graduation from Head Start and was very pleased. “They had a
beautiful graduation. Each class performed songs and they called each
child by name to graduate. It was great. The kids had a great time.”
Narrative E also provides examples of a family’s commitment
to being involved in their child’s education. This family was somewhat
displeased with a few of the meetings they had previously attended, had
time constraints due to a heavy work load, and many other children at
home who needed attention. “I work 8 hours a day, 6-7 days per
week, have five kids and I’m not taking time away from them. I will
probably never attend because I have too many kids.” Despite
this, the family reported that they participated in 8 out of 13 events
to which they were invited, including field trips, classroom activities,
and a family dance and taco lunch. The mother talked about her families’
experience at “fun night:” “It had a place for the
kids to color bags where you could write names and color. All the kids
could do that. They had a place where you could lay down and trace the
kids’ bodies. Also had games that all the kids at different ages
could play.” She and her family were very satisfied with these
events.
Even the family depicted in Narrative A, who faced many
personal hardships including serious health problems, alcohol abuse, depression,
and a suicide attempt, highly valued participating in Head Start activities
and remarked, “It was very important to me. I like to do bulletin
boards. I work with kids. It helps my son. I was President of the Policy
Council.” She felt that her involvement helped her to fulfill her
goals for her son, as well as to enhance her role as a parent. She credited
her involvement at Head Start with helping her to manage her emotional
problems: “Sometimes I get so angry – too angry with the kids.”
She felt that Head Start had enabled her “to discipline, talk
to ‘em, how to listen. They’ve helped me out quite a bit.”
5.5 Summary
This chapter briefly highlights examples of some of the
emergent themes regarding Head Start children and families found both
within and across the six family narratives. The themes illustrate the
following:
-
Parents held optimistic expectations for their children
in terms of early and future educational aspirations, indicating that
their children had positive attitudes toward learning and Head Start
and were making good progress during the Head Start year. The narratives
also illustrate increasingly troublesome profiles of some Head Start
children’s behavioral and mental health related problems as
described by parents and teachers. In addition, the narratives highlight
the issue of contradictions between parent and teacher reports.
-
Emergent themes from the narratives highlight how diverse
types of Head Start families’ function on a day-by-day basis
while faced with numerous changes and challenges. Within the scope
of these challenges, Head Start families face adversity familiar to
many low-income families, including searching for support and male
role models and balancing work and child care responsibilities. These
narratives also allow the reader to see the resilience and strength
of these families in the face of their harsh, daily realities.
-
Despite facing various barriers to participation, Head
Start families had a strong desire to be involved in their children’s
Head Start education, and valued their involvement in the program.
Each family made an effort to attend activities at their child’s
program.
Although the chapter only includes a small subset of the
total number of families in the case study, it demonstrates the value
of understanding families and their own stories in context as a way for
framing and generating emergent themes or findings. It is also useful
for identifying questions for future research that are grounded in the
families’ contexts. In some instances, the emergent themes from
family narratives included in this chapter illuminated findings from the
larger FACES study, while in other cases the narratives have generated
unique perspectives to be considered. In addition, the chapter highlights
the value of family narratives as a component in the larger multi-method
approach to case studies, particularly case studies of families.
5.6 The Family Narratives
The six family narratives discussed in this chapter are
presented in this section, consecutively from Narrative A to Narrative
F. The families were purposively selected from the case study sample based
on the completeness of their data over the study time period. Families
were also selected to be representative and balanced across the regions
of the country and whether they resided in urban or rural locations.
"A Head Start Family: Narrative A
This narrative documents the family’s
life from October of 1997 to December of 1998. Data contributing
to this report were obtained from semi-structured home interviews,
structured parent interviews, teacher reports, child assessments,
as well as monthly telephone contacts from November of 1997 to
December of 1998. The names of the family members have been changed
to protect their confidentiality.
The Head Start Child
David was a four-year-old White boy who lived with
his mother, Wynette, and older sister, Bethany, in a small, southwestern
town. David enrolled in Head Start during the fall of 1997 and attended
class four days a week for five hours a day. He lived fifteen minutes
away from the center and typically came to school each morning by
bus. Wynette described him as a child that is “playful and
weird,” explaining that he “likes to act and dress up
like a little girl.” Both in the fall and spring parent interviews,
she reported it was very true that David accepted his friends’
ideas easily when sharing and playing and that he readily made friends.
Yet, despite his congenial nature, Wynette elaborated, “He
[also] loves to pick on people.” “Sometimes he’s
[even] hateful to his sister; loveable when he wants to be.”
When asked about his favorite activities, she replied that he enjoyed
“playing with cars and trains” and, although he tended
to trip, stumble, and fall easily, engaging in physical play such
as “wrestling.”
According to Wynette, in the fall of 1997, David could
recognize most of the letters in the alphabet, identify the colors
red, yellow, blue, and green, and count up to twenty. He could also
hold his pencil properly and liked to write or pretend to write,
including his first name; however, some letters were sometimes backwards.
Later, during the spring parent interview in 1998, Wynette not only
observed that David could count up to fifty but also could recognize
thirty written numbers and identify up to ten blocks. David had
a good imagination, enjoyed learning, and liked to try new things,
yet he was sometimes restless and made changes with difficulty.
As early as the fall of 1997, David would sit and look at a book
with pictures, pretending to read to himself, but he did more than
just describe each picture—he connected them in an integrated
story. In particular, while Wynette reported that he enjoyed being
read to for approximately twenty minutes at one time in the fall
of 1997, his attention span for reading increased to thirty minutes
by the spring of 1998. There were a variety of reading materials
in the home, including children’s books, adult novels and
non-fiction books, and other religious and reference items such
as dictionaries and encyclopedias. Whereas Wynette, her live-in
partner, Mark, and another non-household member all had time to
read to David during the week prior to the fall parent interview
in 1997, no one read to him during the week before the spring interview
in 1998.
When asked about his behavior, Wynette depicted David
as a high-strung, nervous child who often had temper tantrums and
was sometimes disobedient at home. While Wynette only indicated
spanking David twice during the week prior to the fall parent interview
in 1997 and not at all during the same time period before the spring
interview in 1998, the number of times that she used time out as
a discipline technique increased from two to six times from the
fall of 1997 to the spring of 1998. Interestingly, although Wynette
and David’s teacher agreed that, very often, he made friends
easily and accepted peers’ ideas in sharing and playing, his
teacher contradicted the idea that he hit or fought with others,
had temper tantrums, or ignored classroom directions or rules. In
particular, teacher ratings from the spring of 1998 affirmed that
David very often waited his turn during games or other activities
and assisted in putting away classroom materials.
Despite his somewhat volatile nature and the fact
that David was both a witness to and a victim of violent crime and
domestic violence, Wynette reported that he would help and comfort
others in both her fall and spring parent interviews. Overall, both
Wynette and David’s teacher believed that he was a happy child
with a good self-esteem; he appeared to act his age and never seemed
to worry for too long or feel worthless or inferior.
David had a regular health care provider. He received
routine care paid for by Medicaid from a private doctor or HMO.
Although Wynette described David’s health as excellent, she
also reported that he suffered from a chronic illness for at least
six months and that he was sick with “a virus” in December
and January of 1997. Telephone conversations in July of 1998 revealed
that David was susceptible to seizures and, unfortunately, he was
taken to the nearest emergency room where he received an injection
of Benadryl to reduce serious inflammation. Afflicted by the threat
of seizures several months thereafter, David continued taking medication
until November of 1998 in order to prevent this condition. Additionally,
a severe ear infection in September of 1998 nearly impaired his
hearing. During her fall parent interview in 1997, Wynette further
reported that, despite the fact that David would sometimes stammer
and was not easily understand by strangers, he did not have a disability.
When asked about her hopes and goals for David during
his first year in Head Start, Wynette illuminated that she hoped
“that he does real good in school and passes to ‘kiddygarden,’
and he learns to write better his name.” When specifically
asked about her son’s short- or long-term educational goals,
Wynette expressed, “I hope that he graduates. That he really
learns while he’s younger and it’s [school] not just
to go and play around with.” She would very much like David
to “become something he really wants to become like a doctor
or a lawyer and be really good at it.”
Both before and after enrollment in Head Start, David
and his siblings were never placed in child care. Prior to August
of 1998, despite expressing a moderate need for help taking care
of her children’s daily needs, weekends with his biological
father, who lived within an hour’s ride, were the only form
of child care support that Wynette experienced.
The Head Start Family
During the initial seven months documented in this
narrative, the family experienced much instability due to Mark’s
alcoholism, and, as a result, Wynette, David, and Bethany moved
three times. Early in September of 1997, Mark and Wynette separated,
and the family moved in with Wynette’s parents. However, just
three months later, in December of 1997, Wynette, David, and Bethany
moved back to live with Mark. Wynette described those circumstances
that alleviated her anxiety about his drinking habits via a telephone
interview in November of 1997. She explained, “There’s
a lot going on, but nothing new. Mark has stopped drinking and only
has a few in the evening instead of a whole case.” Shorter-lived
than the last arrangement, they left Mark again in January of 1998
and moved back with Wynette’s parents. She elaborated, “He
made me so mad one time I banged the telephone on the floor until
it broke.” Wynette recognized her need to better manage her
emotions, “I have to stop behaving that way—that was
a very bad thing to do.”
Household instability resurfaced in the spring of
1998, however, when her new partner and husband-to-be, Tom, entered
into the picture, and Wynette and her family moved from Tom’s
parents’ home to a one-bedroom apartment and, eventually,
to a three-bedroom trailer of their own. In June of 1998, difficulties
with her new in-laws, Ralph and Betty, precipitated her family’s
move into a one-bedroom apartment where they happily acquired two
pot-bellied pigs, named Gordie and Babe, to add to their menagerie
of dogs and cats. Later, in July of 1998, Wynette and Tom were fortunate
enough to buy a trailer, situated on what appeared to be a sprawling
five acres. During this telephone contact, the interviewer noted,
“Wynette loves living in the country and having her own place.
Her parents bought her a dishwasher over the weekend.” It
was at this time that Marcus and Audrey, an unrelated, married couple
who knew Tom, also temporarily moved in with the family to help
refurbish the property in exchange for rent. Wynette recounted incidents
of verbal abuse and threats when Marcus berated his 16-year-old,
pregnant wife in front of her family. During a telephone interview
in July of 1998, she relayed, “His wife was due any minute—the
woman, he treats like a dog. He says things like, ‘You shut
up, or I’ll slap you down. And, if you try to put me in jail,
you’ll lose your kid.’” In constant flux, Wynette
experienced more hardships when, in September of 1998, she planned
to divorce Tom and to live with her parents for an indefinite period
of time. Wynette said, “He beat me. He is no longer working.”
No more household changes were reported until November of 1998 when
Wynette’s sister moved out of her parent’s home, leaving
Wynette to care for her five nieces and nephews, ages 9-13, who
remained in the house while their mother and father worked full-time.
While her family experienced myriad household changes both in terms
of geographics and composition, Wynette proudly affirmed the safety
and security of her children while in her care. Having reinforced
the idea that David never lived apart from her, she proudly stated,
“I always take care of my babies.”
A 25-year-old, high school graduate who was single
and unemployed, Wynette reported that her poor health often prevented
her from working and even from looking for a job. David’s
biological father did not have a high school diploma or a GED but
was employed as a machine operator and an assembler. In January
of 1997, he began to contribute to his son’s financial well-being.
Prior to the fall home interview in 1997, he rarely saw David. Wynette
relayed one unexpected occasion when David’s biological father
and his girlfriend “offered to take them [David and Bethany]
for a day, and they came back with all kinds of stories about what
a good time they had and all kinds of presents from their dad and
other relatives on his side of the family.” “They now
want to trot him [David] out like trophies on holidays.” Wynette
continued in earnest, “David’s glad to find out who
his dad is,” and “maybe he’ll take the kids again
sometime-- he tries to help out a little.” Tom, Wynette’s
sometimes live-in partner in the spring of 1998, did not have a
high-school diploma or a GED but was employed with two jobs, working
regularly at a large, discount chain and part-time as a carpet cleaner.
When living with the family, he contributed to the household income.
Early in the narrative when Wynette was living with
Mark, she reported that her monthly household income ranged between
$500-$1,000. It rose to $1,500 -$2,000 in the spring of 1998 when
combined with Tom’s fiscal support. Since David’s birth,
Wynette received food stamps, WIC, Medicaid, and income assistance.
She also benefited from various social services provided by community
agencies. These resources included counseling to better cope with
family violence and legal aid in the fall of 1997 and mental health
as well as alcohol/drug abuse treatment in both the fall of 1997
and the spring of 1998. Although she did not receive education assistance
until the spring of 1998, early on during a telephone conversation
in November of 1997, Wynette forecast that she would pursue her
GED and, later, aspired to obtain a degree in computers. When asked
whether Head Start had helped her to secure this assistance, Wynette
explained that she already received support before David enrolled
in Head Start. However, she reported that Head Start had directly
provided help with medical and dental care for both the children
and adults in her family during her fall and spring parent interviews.
In December of 1997, Wynette attempted to appeal to the courts,
seeking SSI benefits and hoping to reinstate David’s Medicaid
which, eventually, was restored during June of 1998. In January
of 1997, she began babysitting in her parent’s home, five
to seven days per week, from 8:30 A.M. to 6:00 P.M., and earned
approximately $50 each week in an effort to help support her family.
Fortunately, due to a lack of stringent work commitments,
Wynette was able to devote a great deal of time to David and her
other children. During the week prior to the fall parent interview
in 1997, Wynette relayed that she taught David letters, words, and
numbers, often when singing songs, playing counting games, or reading
books together. While she also encouraged David to help with household
chores, spoke with him about television programs, videos, and his
Head Start day before both interviews, she brought him along during
errands, read or told him a story, collaborated with him during
an arts and crafts activity, and even joined him at a sporting event
during the week prior to the spring parent interview in 1998. She
further reported a visit to the mall and the opportunity for him
to learn about his family history when reflecting on the previous
month’s activities with David. By contrast, trips to a playground
or a park predominated when interviewed in the spring of 1998. Specifically,
during her fall parent interview, Wynette reported that Mark also
took David along on errands, helped to teach him letters, words,
and numbers, and played with him indoors. Tom, her new partner by
the spring of 1998, accompanied David to a community or other ethnic
activity and brought him to a playground or a park during the month
prior to the spring interview in 1998.
In a telephone interview in July of 1998, Wynette
shared that, at best, her family could fulfill seven out of nineteen
fundamental family needs. Later, in December of 1998, her need decreased
slightly when she relayed that half, ten out of nineteen, of their
basic needs were met. From a broad view, in July, while she frequently
had enough food for three meals a day and enough money to buy basic
necessities, she almost never could pay her monthly bills. By contrast,
Wynette frequently had enough food for three meals and money to
pay her monthly bills, but she could only sometimes purchase basic
necessities, including food and clothing. Additionally, Wynette
almost always felt that she had enough opportunities to spend quality
time with her children and family during both time periods. Conversely,
during both months, she rarely or never had the chance to afford
family entertainment, purchase personal items, travel, or even socialize
with friends or be alone. When asked about those family strengths
that she admired the most, Wynette expressed, “Everybody helps
one another in our family. We are all there to find out what we
can do-- we back each other up. We just have a good, loving family.”
“We’re very close, and that’s it.” Despite
her positive thoughts and feelings, Wynette also characterized behaviors
that the family could improve. “All of us fight-- once one
starts a fight, everyone tries to get in.” Contrary to her
previous statements, she continued, “They don’t stick
up for the one who’s trying to do right.” In her home
interview in the fall of 1997, Wynette reflected, “That’s
me, I’m the one trying to do right by moving back in with
Mark. They say I’m stupid and crazy. They say it’s too
soon. As soon as we get back together, he’ll start drinking
again, but he hasn’t, and we’ve been back together about
a month now. We have a beer once in a while for a special occasion,
like his brother’s birthday.”
Wynette had a regular health care provider in both
the fall of 1997 and the spring of 1998. Various family members
suffered from colds and the flu throughout December, January, and
March of 1997 and, later, from recurring colds and ear infections
during July and August of 1998. In February of 1997, David’s
sister, Bethany, contracted hepatitis and was sick for two weeks.
Fortunately, even though the entire family had to have shots, no
one else became ill. Sadly, Wynette reported how, in the fall of
1997, her mother-in-law, Betty, was diagnosed with diverculitis
and, later, in December of 1998, was hospitalized with both this
condition and diabetes. Additionally, her father-in-law, Ralph,
was hospitalized due to major surgery for oral cancer in June of
1997. Wynette elaborated about Betty’s condition, “She’
O.K., now, when she takes her medicine. They’re still trying
to find out what kind of cancer she has.” One uncle also passed
away, and two others experienced open-heart surgery in November
of 1998.
Ironically, Wynette reported her health status as
very good in the fall of 1997, yet she had extensive dental problems
and received assistance in February of 1997 in order to begin rehabilitation.
Further complicating her life were chronic seizures and difficulties
with her liver that resulted in multiple hospitalizations in June,
August, October, and November of 1998. During telephone interviews
in 1998, Wynette recalled, perhaps, the two gravest incidents. In
August of 1998, she recounted how her children called a neighbor
who alerted the paramedics. The interviewer noted, “She’s
very proud of the children and feels they saved her life!”
Wynette also experienced a grueling seizure that lasted forty-five
minutes –much longer than usual—in October and had to
be hospitalized for several hours. Later during December, her liver
enzymes were “real high,” and, during this interview,
she noted, “[I] may have to go on dialysis.” Beginning
in January of 1997, Wynette acknowledged that she had emotional
problems and that she was suffering from depression. Having recognized
that her drinking had become a problem, she began to attend AA meetings
and started counseling with a private therapist in a neighboring
town. A suicide attempt raised the issue of commitment to the local
hospital. Wynette did not want to be hospitalized, and she adamantly
expressed that she ”wants to be able to see the children and
take care of them.” Because she continued to be severely depressed
in February of 1997, she attended therapy once a week, hoping that
“weekly counseling sessions and medication will help my situation
and keep me out of the hospital.” By March of 1997, Wynette
reported feeling better, although she was still undergoing counseling.
She explained that her therapist was very concerned about “what
I’m writing in my diary” and is afraid “I’m
gonna’ hurt myself again” and, accordingly, planned
to “talk to me everyday [during the] week.” Fearing
the worst outcome, Wynette remarked that her counselor might “have
to put me in a hospital to keep me from hurtin’ myself.”
In the fall of 1997, when Wynette and her partner, Mark, tried to
be together again, she relayed how their continued difficulties
undermined her efforts at rehabilitation. “He never lets me
leave,” and “I keep telling him that he has to go get
his own help, and I have to go and get mine and then maybe we can
get together, maybe.”
Wynette continued her counseling sessions on an intermittent
basis, her attendance and absence mirroring the diverse transitions
in her life. For example, in June of 1998, around the time when
Wynette, Tom, and the family moved away from struggles with their
in-laws and to their own one-bedroom apartment, Wynette discontinued
therapy on a weekly schedule, but she resumed her sessions in September
when the couple planned a divorce. Ironically, while Wynette denied
having emotional problems during her September telephone interview,
she emphasized the fact that both she and her mother were undergoing
counseling to focus on improved communication. In particular, Wynette
noted that she no longer wanted to “yell at her [mother] like
a crazy woman,” and she felt more motivated to join parenting
and relationship classes. Wynette remained very hopeful, affirming
that she considered signing herself into “the hospital again,”
yet thought that she could “do this on my own.” Later,
in October, Wynette even encouraged her daughter, Bethany, to participate
in counseling for dealing with attention deficit disorder and difficulties
with anger management.
When asked about her need for social support, Wynette
expressed a very great need for intimate support -- someone to confide
in about personal and private matters. She mentioned that she was
able to talk with her mother, sister, friend, therapist, and Head
Start staff, yet she only reported being slightly satisfied with
these resources. Interestingly, when specifically asked about her
need for parenting advice, including information on how to better
care for her children’s daily needs, or for ways to better
manage household tasks, Wynette confirmed that she had no need for
support in these areas. In particular, during both her fall and
spring parent interviews, she reported that David’s grandparents
and the Head Start staff had been valuable resources in terms of
helping her to raise David over the previous six months. Both in
June and November of 1998, a self-report indicated that, the majority
of the time, she felt that everything she did was an effort, that
her sleep was restless, and that her appetite was poor. Specifically,
in the fall of 1997, she also reported that she could do anything
that she set her mind to. She strongly disagreed that there was
little that she could do to change important things in her life
and believed that what happened to her depended on her. She even
reported remaining hopeful and that she enjoyed life most or all
of the time. However, at the time of the second interview, she had
recently divorced Tom and her family moved back in with her parents.
Here, unlike her previous report, she described feeling somewhat
sad, fearful, and that her life had been a failure. Overall, despite
the challenges that her family perpetually faced, Wynette had high
personal hopes and ambitions, “To try and get a degree in
computers. I love computers, and I want to go to college and do
that.”
The Family’s Interactions with Head
Start
Wynette had three years of prior experience with Head
Start, because her daughter, Bethany, had also attended. Originally,
she chose to enroll David, “because he wanted to go to school.
He goes to Head Start and pre-K, and he seems to enjoy it.”
During her home interview in the spring of 1998, she further reflected,
“David usually doesn’t mind, but sometimes he’d
rather stay home in bed.” Wynette explained, “There
was a kid causing problems in David’s class—fighting--
but it is not so bad now.” She envisioned that Head Start
would give David a solid academic foundation as well as teach him
about nutrition and physical fitness. Personally, Wynette hoped
that Head Start would not only help her to receive assistance with
her dental problems but also to obtain vocational or technical training
to further her ambitions in computers.
During her parent interview in the spring of 1998,
Wynette indicated that she had participated in 11 out of 16 Head
Start activities at least once and as many as three times since
David’s enrollment. Wynette highly valued Head Start activities
and remarked, “It [participation] was very important to me.
I like to do bulletin boards. I work with kids-- it helps David.
I was President of the Policy Council.” These activities ranged
from private parent-teacher conferences and classroom observations
to more collaborative efforts including volunteering in the classroom
and, at times, other Head Start events such as preparing newsletters
and fundraising. Although she had attended certain Head Start events
with her spouse, Tom, and other adults, she did not yet have the
opportunity to experience a workshop or a Head Start social event.
Overall, Wynette reported very high satisfaction with
Head Start, because involvement helped her to fulfill her goals
for David as well as to enhance her role as a parent. Wynette reported
being somewhat satisfied with how the program had prepared David
for kindergarten in July and, later, during the December 1998 telephone
interview, after David had been attending kindergarten for several
months, Wynette said she was very satisfied that Head Start had
helped prepare him for school. Specifically, during her December
telephone contact, she described how Head Start staff had helped
David to improve his motor skills and dexterity. Socially, “he
did just fine with that” and, academically, he was learning
a great deal but could still use more help with letters, numbers,
and color recognition. Wynette emphasized how “They [Head
Start] are meeting my goals for him very well, and I really like
the teachers. They’re doing as much as they can with the children.
They teach them how to behave, how to eat, and how to play and to
learn.” Additionally, during her spring parent interview,
Wynette noted that the teacher was always warm and affectionate
towards and displayed interest in David.
When asked about the extent to which Head Start had
helped her to achieve personal goals, Wynette had mixed feelings.
As a parent, she hoped to teach David “to be more polite and
mannerly. [And] how to respect women. Teach him to stay away from
drugs and alcohol.” In terms of her success at accomplishing
this task, she continued, “Real good—if Ralph (father-in-law)
or Tom (husband) are having a drink, David says he doesn’t
want any, because it’s nasty. I don’t think he’ll
ever have a drinking problem.” In particular, during her spring
home interview, Wynette commented on how Head Start facilitated
her ability to be a caring and a strong role model by clarifying
how the program equipped her with important disciplinary techniques
and better ways to manage her emotions. “I love being a parent
and think I’m a good one, but, sometimes, I want a break.
Their Dad takes them on weekends and that helps.” She felt
that “an anger management class” would improve the situation
a great deal, explaining, “Sometimes I get so angry—too
angry—with the kids.” Head Start enabled her “to
discipline, talk to ‘em, how to listen.” “They’ve
helped me out quite a bit.”
In general, during her spring home interview, Wynette
indicated that she felt supported and welcomed by David’s
teacher. She recalled how this open atmosphere often encouraged
her to participate in Head Start activities. “They helped
me with the Christmas party. We had a Santa Claus, and he gave presents
to all the kids. Everyone had a great time. At Easter, I helped
plan the party. We had an Easter egg hunt and candy and games. It
was fun.” Through time volunteering in the classroom, Wynette
also helped David “to learn to tie his shoes and to count
to thirty.” Since David’s enrollment in September of
1997, she even noted how Head Start helped “giving me a job
riding the bus.” Wynette monitored the bus two to three times
a day, commenting that she “loved doing it! I know it’s
an important job.” Most importantly, Wynette felt that Head
Start had not only helped her to improve her physical health but
also her professional well-being. She elaborated, “Head Start
has helped me to get my teeth fixed. I feel better about myself.”
“They offered a computer class, too.”
Unfortunately, at the same time, Wynette reported
being sometimes dissatisfied with Head Start’s respect for
family culture and very dissatisfied with their openness to ideas
in her spring parent interview. She reported, “The way the
center director and others were rude to me—they gave me funny
looks and talked about me behind my back.” Further serving
as barriers to her participation and complicating her situation
were chronic family illness and her own ongoing struggle with depression,
drinking, and troubled relationships. For example, during January
of 1998, although Head Start continued to invite Wynette to many
activities, she was not able to attend because of her breakup with
Mark and myriad problems with moving, her mother’s illness,
and her own alcohol addiction and emotional instability. While she
resumed a more regular participation schedule in February, serving
as president of a parent group, her contact with Head Start remained
limited due to Bethany’s bout with hepatitis.
During this time, increased exposure to parent and
teacher interactions led to Wynette’s disillusionment with
“conditions at the Head Start center. There are not enough
teachers, and the children are running wild.” Wynette attempted
to contact both the executive director of the agency and the Head
Start director numerous times in order to address her complaints
but was unsuccessful. Later, in March, the parents held a meeting
to jointly express their concern, yet she remained very dissatisfied
with the outcome. Wynette recounted, “the Head Start staff
won’t follow the suggestions of the parents.” Persistent
disappointment with the situation led to her decreased participation
in bus duties and, in general, she chose to spend less time at the
Head Start center. “I don’t like the way they treat
me. They’re rude. Ever since Claudia [a teacher] left they’re
even more rude.” Wynette also described how David “is
refusing to go to Head Start, because the kids pick on him so bad.”
Wynette suggested that in order to improve, Head Start not only
incite cooperative participation and greater parent involvement
in both the fall of 1997 and the spring of 1998 but also provide
“equal treatment for all” in the spring of 1998. When
David matriculated to kindergarten, she emphasized via a telephone
contact in July of 1998, “[He’s] in kindergarten now,
and Head Start doesn’t want to have anything to do with me.”
In September, still somewhat dismayed with the transition, Wynette
continued, “David is in all day kindergarten—which he
loves, but he and his teachers don’t get along. She doesn’t
give him enough to do. He plays teacher with some kids, while she
does other things, and she don’t like it.”
The Family’s Home and Neighborhood
At the time of the October 1997 home interview, Wynette
and David lived in an upper level, second floor apartment in an
extraordinarily run-down, fourplex building. Replete with broken,
boarded up windows and peeling paint, the complex had no front door
on the street level, and, abut to a deteriorating, industrial park
and railroad tracks, fumes from nearby oil and chemical refineries
imbued the area. Equally unpleasant, the interior of Wynette’s
home reeked from the odor of “dirty dishes with scraps of
food…scattered [about] the apartment.” The interviewer
elaborated, “The apartment…is filthy… and in need
of vacuuming and sweeping.” “Clothes are scattered everywhere
--on the floor, chairs, tables-- just everywhere. Wynette and the
children are recovering from the flu and, perhaps, that is part
of the reason things are so very messy.”
Covering a radius somewhere between six to ten blocks,
the neighborhood consisted of four similar buildings on three congested
streets. With the exception of a few, well maintained homes, most
surrounding houses seemed unkempt and overcrowded. “Materials
are hanging, mostly lopsided, in the windows.” Various types
of litter, including abandoned vehicles, trash, and broken children’s
toys, infiltrated streets, sidewalks, and even private yards. While
some trees and grass grew nearby in sparse patches, only a few lingering
birds and dogs barking from inside apartments added vitality to
this community and obscured the interviewer’s notion that
it resembled an “urban blight on a smaller scale.” “This
is not a pretty neighborhood, and it does not feel safe.”
“It appears that no one who lives here takes pride in the
area.”
Wynette affirmed that her family did not live in a
stable neighborhood and that “no one would stay here by choice.”
There were few signs of neighborhood activities and identity, yet
community resources such as two convenient stores, a grocery, a
drug store, four churches, a private daycare center, and an elementary
school were all within six to ten blocks. Although Wynette observed
that her family lived across the street from a vacant field, there
was no safe playground nearby for children to play in. Most neighboring
businesses were boarded up and closed down.
Ironically, despite its deceptive appearance, Wynette
characterized her neighborhood in spring 1998 as “quiet, not
much trouble—don’t have the cops come down much.”
Except for some individuals who “believe in gangs” and
who “don’t know how to get along with anybody,”
she emphasized how she lived in a relatively cooperative, law conscious
community. “It’s a safe environment in some ways—no
guns or violence. It’s better than where I was living before.
Everybody helps everybody out.” When asked about which aspect
of her neighborhood that she liked the most, she commented, “how
quiet it is. How friendly people are. The law goes by often—just
checking. People look after other people’s kids and keep parents
informed.” Unfortunately, David had both been a witness to
and a victim of domestic violence in her home in the fall of 1997.
David also had to experience his own mother being arrested. During
her fall home interview, Wynette noted a contributing factor; she
and her “boyfriend, Mark, are drinking again.” Though
circumstances improved by the spring of 1998, the notion that Wynette
not only reported having seen but also knew someone who was a victim
of violent crime in her neighborhood in the fall of 1997 compounded
this harsh reality. |
A Head Start Family: Narrative B
This
narrative documents the family’s life from October of 1997
through December of 1998. Data contributing to this report were
obtained from semi-structured home interviews, structured parent
interviews, teacher reports and child assessments, as well as monthly
telephone contacts from November of 1997 to December of 1998. The
names of the family members have been changed to protect their confidentiality.
The Head Start Child
Gabriela was a 3-year-old Latina girl who lived with
her mother, Celia, father, Alejandro, and older brother, Eric, in
a large, southwestern city. Gabriela enrolled in Head Start in the
fall of 1997 and typically attended class five days a week for eight
hours a day. She lived eight minutes from the center and walked
to school each morning. Gabriela’s mother, Celia, portrayed
her as a child who was “like a good girl, a little difficult,
but a calm girl to other children” and stated that she “sometimes
acts mean but rarely.” When asked about her favorite activities,
Celia said that Gabriela liked “television, playing with her
bike and painting and drawing” as well as “playing with
the kids.” Celia noted that, in general, Gabriela made friends
easily and willingly shared with and accepted her friend’s
ideas when playing. However, it was sometimes true that Gabriela
hits and fights with other children. Celia reported that “Gabriela
had a little friend in the neighborhood that hit her. I notice that
she hits back. I don’t like that.” According to Celia,
in the fall of 1997, Gabriela could button her own clothes, count
up to ten, hold her pencil properly, and liked to write or pretend
to write. She could not yet point out any of the letters of the
alphabet or identify the colors red, yellow, blue and green.
However, she observed that by the spring of 1998 Gabriela
could accomplish all these tasks as well as recognize and write
her first name, identify at least five written numbers, and count
up to five blocks. Gabriela had a good imagination, enjoyed learning
and liked to try new things, although she experienced some difficulty
concentrating or paying attention for very long. As early as the
fall of 1997, Celia noted that Gabriela would sit and look at a
book with pictures, pretending to read to herself, but she did more
than just describe each picture -- she connected them in an integrated
story. By the spring of 1998, her attention span for reading increased,
and she enjoyed being read to for approximately fifteen minutes
rather than five minutes at one time. There were reading materials
in the home, including children’s books, religious books,
and newspapers. While Celia reported that no one had read to Gabriela
within the week prior to the fall home interview, she said that
a number of household members had read to her two times during the
week before the spring home interview.
When asked about her behavior, Celia remarked that
Gabriela sometimes was disobedient at home and very often would
have temper tantrums. Both in the fall of 1997 and spring of 1998,
Celia indicated having to spank Gabriela and send her to time-out
one to two times a week. However, Celia recognized an improvement
in her daughter’s ability to get along well with and to act
her own age around other children in the spring of 1998. Her teacher
also noted her more congenial and cooperative nature, reporting
that Gabriela joined in group activities on her own and encouraged
others to participate as well as accepted her peers’ ideas
in playing and sharing and complimented them. She felt that Gabriela
appeared to receive social support from a friend and showed loyalty
to the friend. While Gabriela took turns and followed classroom
directions very often, she occasionally would break rules when playing
games with others and could usually solve problems with other children
independently. Overall, Celia described Gabriela as a happy child
with a good self-esteem who never seemed to worry for too long.
Gabriela did not have a regular health care provider.
She received her routine health care, paid by health insurance,
from a private doctor or an HMO. Celia described Gabriela’s
health as excellent. Ironically, she indicated that Gabriela suffered
from a chronic illness (unspecified) in the fall of 1997, yet continued
telephone conversations only document that she had a bout of the
flu in August and experienced a common cold in October of 1998.
When asked about her hopes and goals for Gabriela
during the fall of 1997, Celia relayed that she hoped “that
they [Head Start] say something good about her, that they have no
problems with her.” “I don’t want her [Gabriela]
to tell me that she spent all day watching movies or was out on
the street.” When specifically asked about short or long-term
educational goals, Celia said, “Head Start teaches [them]
to do good things. I see the difference in her drawings and how
she interacts with children.” Regarding her future, Celia
would like Gabriela to become an “engineer” and hopes
that she “gets a good job.” Of greatest value, she felt,
“The most important thing is her learning and increasing her
abilities. And, to instill the desire to be somebody… who
does not have to struggle like we do.”
The Head Start Family
This is a two-parent family that immigrated from El
Salvador to the United States in search of a better life. Prior
to the initial visit with the family, Gabriela’s father, Alejandro,
was deported, leaving Celia, Gabriela, and her 9-year-old brother,
Eric, with very few resources. The family began sharing housing
after Alejandro was deported, because they could no longer afford
to live on their own. When first contact with the family occurred,
the household consisted of Gabriela, her 36-year-old mother, Celia,
Eric, and another 30-year-old female relative. Spanish was the language
spoken in the home.
Celia did not have a high school diploma or a GED
but received a job-related certificate and worked full-time as a
machine operator. While Celia reported her monthly household income
to be $850 in the fall of 1997, it rose to approximately $1,000
in the spring of 1998. This increase in income combined with the
fact that her husband, Alejandro, returned to live with the family
and worked full-time may have contributed to the family’s
living in their own housing. Since Gabriela’s birth, Celia
has needed help with transportation, childcare, and food and has
received help from a variety of community agencies. When asked whether
Head Start had helped her to secure this assistance, Celia explained
that she was already receiving the aid before Gabriela began Head
Start and, therefore, did not need help from the program. During
her husband’s absence, Celia received WIC to purchase milk
for her children. However, Celia emphasized that she felt it was
unacceptable to “ask for handouts,” and, by the time
of the first interview, she was no longer receiving any public assistance.
After having been deported from the United States, Alejandro returned
in January of 1998 with a vehement distrust of the government and
the “North American system.” He explained that the only
reason the family was still in the U.S. was because circumstances
were much worse in their homeland of El Salvador.
Celia worked full-time and, consequently, Gabriela
often spent a good portion of her day either in Head Start or under
the supervision of a neighbor who was a helpful but unlicensed caregiver.
However, Celia still reported spending time with her child on a
consistent basis in both the fall and spring parent interviews.
During the week prior to the spring home interview, Celia told or
read Gabriela a story and jointly worked on arts and crafts. She
also took Gabriela with her while running errands, had her help
with household chores, and made time to speak with her about her
Head Start day. Another household member also taught Gabriela letters,
words, or numbers and played games with her indoors. With her father’s
return to the United States, Celia reported that he would sometimes
bring Gabriela to the mall once a month. In the fall of 1997, Celia
remarked she and Gabriela also ventured to a mall, visited a playground,
and attended a sporting event at least once a month. Similarly,
with the exception of a sports outing, they experienced these same
events the month prior to the spring 1998 interview.
In telephone interviews in July and, later, December
of 1998, Celia revealed that, at best, her family was able to meet
four out of nineteen fundamental needs. From a broad view, having
enough money to purchase basic necessities enabled her to sometimes
pay her monthly bills and provide her family with three meals a
day. Other resources sometimes met included having enough space
in her apartment. She described that that she would like “to
change and improve our way of living, to earn more [and get] better
quality things for one’s family.” Specifically, Celia
discussed the difficulty of earning a low wage and expressed her
hopes for the future. “If you go out with the little money
that you earn, you have desires to buy what they [the children]
wish.” “We are in this country ... it is not much that
they are paying us.” “[I want] to change our way of
living.” Yet, despite her hardships, Celia stated, “We
are a poor but honorable family” when asked about what family
quality she truly admired.
Celia described her physical health as fair and had
a regular health care provider. Sadly, monthly telephone interviews
indicated that her husband, Alejandro, suffered a dangerous head
injury in July of 1998. Alejandro was struck on the head by a marijuana
addict in their apartment complex, and this traumatic situation
precipitated a great deal of physical and psychological distress.
He not only spent two days in a hospital but also was forced to
take work leave for two weeks. Deleterious effects, especially emotional
ones, lingered for two months. In September, the interviewer detailed,
“Celia was very worried that they wouldn’t have enough
that month to pay the rent or bills. Thankfully, everything worked
out—Her husband was okay, and they still had a place to live.”
When asked about her need for social support, Celia
expressed a moderate need for intimate social support – someone
to confide in about personal and private matters. She mentioned
that she was able to talk to her sister and that she was very satisfied
with these experiences during the month of January 1998. When interviewed
after Alejandro had been deported, Celia admitted that she was lonely
and sad most or all of the time, occasionally felt depressed, and
that everything she did seemed like an effort. She felt helpless
– that there was no way to solve her problems, she was being
pushed around, and she had little control over life events. Although
she agreed that what happened to her depended on her, she felt that
there was very little she could do in order to improve those circumstances
that were most important to her. By contrast, after Alejandro’
return in January of 1998, a self-report in June later revealed
that, while she often felt that life required a big effort to accomplish
tasks and that it was difficult to proceed with daily routines,
Celia rarely felt sad, afraid, or alone. She further demonstrated
her receptivity to others’ social support when answering that
she rarely felt that she could not shake her sadness and that she
only seldom felt poorly treated by others. In retrospect, she emphasized
how Alejandro, her parents, Gabriela’s child care provider,
the church, and Head Start staff, were all very supportive and helpful
resources in terms of raising Gabriela over the previous six months.
Celia’s personal hopes and goals are sound and realistic:
“To just work and be able to take care of them [children].
“There is no initiative to say we will continue to study.
I cannot. There is only one thing and that is work and work for
them.”
The Family’s Interactions with Head
Start
Celia had prior experience with Head Start because
her son, Eric, had also attended. Celia’s primary reason for
enrolling Gabriela in Head Start stemmed from her great need for
child care. She explained, “Sometimes the necessities of work
make it very difficult to leave one’s children for eight-to-nine
hours at a babysitter.” She expressed concern about her child’s
welfare. “I have seen babysitters even treat the children
badly.” Gabriela initially entered childcare when she was
a one-year-old and has been cared for in six different arrangements
before her enrollment in Head Start. Of these various arrangements,
care was most frequently provided in a neighbor’s home. After
beginning Head Start, Gabriela continued to receive child care at
a neighbor’s home, both before and after the Head Start day,
for approximately 25 hours per week. Although Celia had expressed
a need for financial assistance to afford Gabriela’s child
care, she paid for it on her own . When asked how Gabriela perceived
these care experiences, Celia expressed mixed feelings. While she
positively noted that the child care provider always seemed open
to new information and often gave Gabriela a great deal of individual
attention and warmth, she also felt there were times when Gabriela
did not appear to feel safe or secure.
Overall, Celia envisioned that Head Start would give
Gabriela a solid academic foundation as well as improve her social
interactions with children and adults. She also hoped that Head
Start would improve Gabriela’s manners, reinforcing good habits,
while helping her to learn how to behave better. During a home interview
in April of 1998, when asked about Gabriela’s impression of
Head Start, Celia replied positively, “[She] loves it! She
has less tantrums with her friends than before. She’s also
reminding me she has to wash her hands, teeth. She knows the colors,
numbers. Gabriela tries more and more to explain what has happened
during the day.” In particular, she noted Gabriela’s
improved language skills, “Gabriela has learned a lot of English
and speaks less Spanish.” Accordingly, Celia hoped that Head
Start not only would be able to help her with child care but also
to enhance her understanding of child development. During her spring
parent interview, Celia relayed that she had participated in 9 out
of 15 Head Start activities at least once and as many as three times
since Gabriela’s enrollment. These activities ranged from
private parent-teacher conferences and workshops to more collaborative
efforts including volunteering in the classroom and, at times, in
other Head Start events such as fundraising and preparing newsletters.
By contrast, she did not yet have the opportunity to call another
Head Start parent or attend a Head Start event, such as a field
trip or a social occasion, either with her husband, Alejandro, or
another adult, primarily due to work commitments.
Overall, Celia reported high satisfaction with Head
Start, because involvement both helped her to fulfill her goals
for Gabriela and to improve her role as a parent. She commented
that she wished to teach her child “good things, to be an
educated woman that is honorable and studious” and that Head
Start had facilitated her capacity “to teach [Gabriela] so
she learns. I have noticed much change—in her attitude and
her abilities.” Feeling that Head Start had more than adequately
prepared Gabriela physically, scholastically, and socially for kindergarten,
Celia reported being extremely satisfied during her telephone conversations
in July and, later, in September of 1998. At the same time, she
again expressed a continued feeling of “being ashamed to ask
for help [because she was not] used to having programs available
for families and so she didn’t feel comfortable asking.”
Overwhelmingly, Celia perceived that Head Start services for Gabriela
and her family helped them to grow, were safe, and fostered community
involvement. Additionally, she always felt that the teachers were
open to new information and expressed enthusiasm and warmth towards
Gabriela. When asked about the extent to which she felt she could
achieve her goals as a parent, she responded with great candor,
“I don’t know what you mean, I am doing the best I can
with what resources we have. Our surroundings make it hard to show
her how to be good. But we try.” Celia elaborated, “I
love my children and want to see them grow…We are poor, but
we try to keep her on the right path.” Despite Gabriela’s
and her family’s positive experiences with Head Start, Celia
did not meet her own goals. “I wanted good health and my job.
I still have both things. Head Start didn’t help. I’m
pretty sad still. I am not in my country. But our outlook there
isn’t any better.”
When asked if there was anything that she would like
to see improved or changed in Head Start, Celia expressed that the
program should either have longer hours or provide extended day
care. Unfortunately, she had to leave work early in order to take
Gabriela to another child care arrangement, since extended day care
at Head Start was recently discontinued. Despite her displeasure
with the limited hours, Celia mentioned being particularly pleased
that Head Start was often sensitive to her transportation needs.
“On cold days they give my daughter a ride to Head Start.”
Transportation to Head Start was a persistent problem for this family,
and Celia explained the difficulty of getting Gabriela to school.
“For me, it’s hard to find a person that will help me.
In the time of cold and snow, I don’t want for them to miss
not one day. It’s also hard for me to miss a lot of work.
[Having transportation] could help a lot of mothers out.”
Unfortunately, difficulties with transportation and a lack of child
care became such barriers to participation that Celia eventually
enrolled Gabriela in a pre-kindergarten program for fours hours
a day, five days a week at her brother Eric’s school. Although
Celia, at first, seemed unhappy about enrolling Gabriela in an elementary
school program, she seemed more comfortable with the change by August
of 1998.
The Family’s Home and Neighborhood
At the time of the October home interview, the FACES
home visit interviewer described the family’s neighborhood
as a residential, suburban setting comprised of mostly low-income,
blue-collar African-American and Latino families. While the neighborhood
consisted of two apartment complexes surrounded by single-family
homes, Celia and Alejandro lived in an apartment building that was
rather old and moderately populated. The complexes had gravel parking
lots with little plants or shrubbery, and the yards were equally
bare. All of the buildings and surrounding grounds were in great
need of repair. An abandoned swimming pool and the absence of an
outdoor playground not only made the desolate atmosphere uninviting
but also unsafe for children to play in as dark passage ways, broken
cement stairs, and rusted railings riddled the complex. The interviewer
captured, at times, the intensity of Celia’s struggle via
telephone interviews in July of 1998, “Unfortunately, the…complex
is not well maintained and the management is lax.” “The
situation was no better with the heat wave.” The property
management refused to fix their air conditioner or refrigerator
for a long time. Celia said she felt terrible not being [able] to
provide her children any form of relief from the heat. Despite these
times of crisis, Celia and her family were often afraid to complain
to their landlord or local housing authority because of their immigration
status and poor English skills. She elaborated, “The corrupt
owners don’t listen to us. They think, because many of us
are not legal, it’s okay to treat us like rats.”
Celia observed that the neighborhood was constantly
in transition, since residents were always moving in and out. A
parking lot between the apartment complexes and surrounding houses
acted a small “buffer zone,” heightening a sense of
isolation as the buildings almost appeared to be two distinct neighborhoods.
There were no signs of neighborhood activities or identity, and
all community resources such as churches, schools, recreation centers,
and public transportation were at least a half a mile away. From
their apartments, people socialized on their balconies yet were
always vigilant of their children playing near isolated houses below.
No one really knew each other, and, fearing for their safety, Celia
did not allow her kids to play with other children. Living near
a drug and gang-infested housing project, loitering was often observed.
Celia commented, “I’m suspicious of people, because
I don’t know anyone but so far nothing has happened….This
is not a place where a child can run and play—It’s dirty,
it’s dangerous, and I think it’s a bad place.”
Unlike the fall parent interview, Celia reported that, in the spring
of 1998, while she and her family had never been a victim of violent
crime, her family had been exposed to violent crime and Gabriela
to domestic violence. In April of 1998, Celia revealed, “The
other day, they [officers] found a murder victim --five days old—in
an apartment near where the children play. There’s gang violence
on one side of the complex and alcoholic/drug abuse adults on the
other. It’s terrible, this is like a rat hole.” |
A Head Start Family: Narrative C
This
narrative documents the family’s life from October of 1997
to December of 1998. Data contributing to this report were obtained
from semi-structured home interviews, structured parent interviews,
teacher reports, child observations, as well as monthly telephone
contacts from December of 1997 to December of 1998. The names of
the family members have been changed to protect their confidentiality.
The Head Start Child
Felicia was a three-year-old African American girl
who lived with her 34-year-old, single mother, Kathy, sisters, LaShawn,
Cheyenne, and Sharice, and her brother, RaShad , in a large, west-coast
city. Felicia enrolled in Head Start in the fall of 1996 and attended
class five days a week for four hours a day. She lived five minutes
away from the Head Start center and traveled each day by bus. Felicia’s
mother, Kathy, described her as a “nice, friendly kid”
who was “stubborn, at times.” When asked about her favorite
activities, Kathy commented that Felicia liked “to act silly.”
She noted that Felicia was an imaginative child who liked to try
new things and enjoyed learning. She made friends easily and willingly
accepted her friends’ ideas when playing.
According to Kathy, in the fall of 1997, Felicia could
button her own clothes, identify the colors red, yellow, blue and
green, count up to ten, and recognize some of the letters in the
alphabet, including her own name in print. She held her pencil properly
and liked to write or pretend to write, especially her first name.
By the spring of 1998, although she still experienced difficulty
writing her first name, Felicia could identify at least four written
numbers and count up to sixteen blocks. Her attention span for reading
remained steady from the fall of 1997 to the spring of 1998; she
did not have a hard time concentrating and enjoyed being read to
for approximately 10 minutes at one time. She would sit and look
at a book with pictures and, while pretending to read to herself,
she would do much more than just describe each picture-- she connected
them into an integrated story. There were many reading materials
in the home, including children’s books and novels, magazines
for children and catalogs for adults, newspapers, and other reference
items such as religious books, dictionaries, and encyclopedias.
While Kathy and another household member had read to Felicia everyday
during the week prior to the fall parent interview in 1997, both
individuals also read to her three or more times a week before her
spring interview in 1998.
When asked about her child’s behavior, Kathy’s
description improved from the fall of 1997 to the spring of 1998.
Initially, she reported that Felicia sometimes was disobedient at
home and very often would have temper tantrums . However, during
her second parent interview, she noted that her daughter rarely
misbehaved at home and only sometimes would experience temper tantrums.
Interestingly, in the spring of 1998, although Kathy commented that
Felicia sometimes would not get along with other children and would
even hit or fight with them, she would very often comfort or help
her peers. Similarly, teacher ratings in the spring of 1998 confirmed
that she followed classroom directions and rules very often as well
as rarely disrupted ongoing activities. Socially, Felicia seemed
not only to join in and encourage others to participate in group
games but also would very often take turns and, sometimes, even
compliment her friends. However, her teacher additionally felt that
Felicia often acted withdrawn and lacked confidence in experimenting
with new activities. Both in the fall of 1997 and the spring of
1998, Kathy reported that Felicia very often needed reassurance
that she was behaving well. Yet, both Kathy and her Head Start teacher
portrayed Felicia as a happy child with good self-esteem; during
both time periods, she typically acted her own age, rarely seemed
to worry for too long, and seldom felt inferior.
In both parent interviews, Kathy reported that the
family had household rules about the kind of food her daughter ate,
when she went to bed, and which chores she was responsible for completing.
Although Kathy did not restrict the amount of television that Felicia
watched, she monitored the type of television programs seen. Kathy
relayed that she had to spank Felicia once as well as send her to
time-out twice during the week prior to the fall and spring parent
interviews. In the spring of 1998, she noted that she had not learned
any new disciplinary techniques from Head Start.
Prior to her enrollment in Head Start, Felicia never
experienced child care, either center-based or with an unlicensed
caregiver, and, during the program, she was not in child care before
or after the Head Start day. She demonstrated excellent health and
a had a regular health care provider both in the fall of 1997 and
the spring of 1998. All of her routine care was paid for by Medicaid
at an outpatient clinic in a local hospital. Fortunately, a telephone
contact revealed that Felicia only suffered from a common cold and
a bout of the flu in December of 1997.
While Kathy did not address any specific hopes and
goals for Felicia during her first year at Head Start nor project
any s | |